Tidal Wave of Hate
The tribal catastrophe that awaits Zimbabwe

26^th October 2002

The worst may not be over in Zimbabwe. If every white farmer were hacked to death and his farm consigned to ruin, the worst might not be over. The worst is what faces not a few thousand whites but a few million blacks: the Matabele people. My evidence is anecdotal, sketchy and based on unsourced information, but a boyhood spent there lends me confidence to back my hunch. My fears are sharpened by those in Zimbabwe to whom I have been speaking this week.

The majority Mashona tribe who occupy the richer, northern part of the country centred on Harare, may soon be urged by their leader, Robert Mugabe, and his Zanu (Patriotic Front) governing party into a genocidal bid to take from the southern Matabele ("take back", he would say) the lands which the Mashona believe were stolen from them more than a hundred years ago. The situation has parallels with Kosovo. The plan would be to drive the Matabele, by terror and by massacre, over the southern borders of Zimbabwe whence (in some Mashona minds) they came.

A little history is useful here. Much is disputed and what follows is the white settlers' version, and reality may have been cloudier: but this story of black-on-black aggression suits the modern, militant Mashona viewpoint among whom it has taken hold. It gives their tribal nationalism a narrative.

In the 19th century much of what is now Zimbabwe was inhabited by the Mashona people and smaller associated tribes. There was no central command structure, just a shared cluster of dialects around a recognisable language. They were pastoral people: subsistence agriculturalists.

To their south, in what is now South Africa, the Zulu people had coalesced into something like the Romans of southern Africa. So ferocious was Zulu imperial policy - the choice was between subordination and extermination - that splinter groupings fled in revolt from the hub. Thus were the Swazi people established in what is now Swaziland. And thus, under Chief Mzilikazi and others, around the middle of the 19th century, were the Ndebele (or Matabele) people established in and around what is now the south of Zimbabwe, centred upon Bulawayo, dispossessing the Mashona. All spoke, and speak, a Zulu-like language.

By massacre and pillage the Matabele pushed the less warlike Mashona north. But at the end of the 19th century, Rhodes, Empire and the British South Africa Police froze the tribal map along lines close to the present division between Mashonaland and Matabeleland.

Each of the two peoples in succession later rose in rebellion against the whites. The Matabele rebellion was brave, focused and short: a military campaign ending in total military defeat. Valiant Chief Lobengula (who had visited Queen Victoria with a tribal delegation to beg for his people's rights) was killed. The Mashona rebellion was more insidious, slow-burning, sporadic and difficult to quell, but it was quelled. Mashona ideologues call this uprising against the white settlers "the first Chimurenga". They call the uprising of combined Mashona and Matabele freedom-fighters against Ian Smith's Government during the 1960s and 1970s "the second Chimurenga", which they believe will not be complete until white farmers are removed from their land and it is given back to the Mashona and their friends.

Thus, tribal historians may think, comes the end of tribal history.

They may be wrong. A document I have seen gives chilling voice to what I know goes already with the grain of a Mashona version of the past.

The document speaks of "the third Chimurenga". What this would be is all too clear: a Mashona crusade spearheaded by Zanu (PF) to drive the southern Matabele, of whom there are millions, off their land. The massacre (by North Korean-trained Zimbabwean Government forces) of at least 3,000 and up to 7,000 Matabele in the 1980s, well-documented yet somehow never properly noticed, could be a terrible augury.

The full document (follows below) has been doing the rounds only recently among concerned people in Zimbabwe, but appears to date from the earlier years of Mugabe's presidency. Its authorship is unknown and I cannot certify its authenticity - that it might be a Matabele scare story remains a possibility - but to me it has every appearance of having been written by a literate, well-educated tribal zealot of a racialist-fascistic turn of mind, with a vituperative if stilted command of English, Marxist jargon and a biblical style. I would guess the author is a mission-educated Mashona man: a "blue-skies" thinker and propagandist in Zanu (PF), not an active politician. The document seems intended for an inner-core and calls itself a "progress review on the 1979 Grand Plan".

Mugabe is extolled as a Mashona Jesus, a "precious present" from history and "perfect embodiment of all our cultural norms and values" who has "an incredible consciousness of who we are as a people". After a few pages of this and some routine attacks on Western imperialists, Tony Blair et al, the paper moves to its thrust: "For many years both the Ndebeles and Europeans were living under a shameful illusion that the crimes of their forefathers had been forgiven and forgotten ... Is it possible that such heinous crimes as those committed by these people against the Shona can just be swept under the carpet because it is politically expedient to do so?

"Now, comrades, come to think of it - a settler is a settler - period! What peaceful coexistence can there be to talk about between the majority indigenous Shona and the occupying force of those of Ndebele extraction? A black settler is as unwelcome as a white settler in our country."

Then comes the most chilling section. Land: "..a bone of contention since the Ndebele occupation of Zimbabwe. The deployment of Shonas in Rural Matabeleland will be the last blow to break the spine of the enemy. Land that is still in white hands must all find its way into Shona hands."

This first is now happening. What must happen next, suggests this document, is horribly clear.

On leaving the Rhodesia Department of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office in 1976 I wrote a memo to my head of department saying that in the years ahead, as Rhodesia moved towards and then beyond independence, the key to the most intractable difficulties would be land. I despaired.

Of finding a permanent solution I still despair but a more urgent task may face us. We may have to forestall an immediate massacre. Make no mistake, as Zimbabwe's economy stumbles and famine grows, a fight with the Matabele would enhance Mugabe's troubled position among his own people.

What can Britain do? Here, unlike Iraq, our historical connection is plain. Here, unlike Iraq, the problem is manageable, the cost affordable, and there is less danger of interference destabilising the region. It would be the flight of Matabele refugees into Botswana which would destabilise the region and the Botswana Government would share our anxiety.

The South Africans are less reliable allies: Thabo Mbeki's position is ambiguous and the ANC feels no strong bond with the Zulu-speaking peoples.

The looming crisis in Zimbabwe tests to the limit my belief that Britain should avoid military adventures, but with our European and American allies we should consider every measure short of invasion or assassination to remove Mugabe.

As the crisis there deepens it will be desperately important for its victims and potential victims in Zimbabwe, black and white, to avoid a trap of which I think some of the more naive among them are not properly aware. I would advise them to steer clear of the reactionary Right in Britain. Steer clear of covert white supremacists who have a drum of their own to bang. Steer clear of those who care only about whites and those whose only real concern is with the property interests of British kith and kin.

Remember that the Tories were in power when Mugabe's men massacred thousands of southern Matabele, and a Tory Government showed little interest in those blacks' plight. Call to mind the young Baroness Amos, who is black, at the Lords dispatch box when elderly peers whose white friends and relatives have interests in Central Africa intercede on behalf of white settlers.

I cannot read the mind of Lady Amos but I know what I would feel in her shoes. It is to a Labour Government that any useful appeal must be made, and it must be made for the lives and property of all Mugabe's victims and potential victims, the overwhelming majority of whom are Africans.

Something terrible is afoot in Zimbabwe. Rwanda was a Belgian colony but Zimbabwe was ours. Britain should be preparing for a looming humanitarian catastrophe there. There may be no better warning than what we know already. It is enough.

Matthew Parris – The Times (UK)

Zimbabwe: blueprint for a massacre?

A document, according to Matthew Parris in his article "The bloody catastrophe that awaits Zimbabwe", that supports the theory that Zimbabwe's Mashona tribe may soon be urged by President Robert Mugabe into a genocidal bid to take lands from the southern Matabele.

FOR RESTRICTED CIRCULATION FOR THE EYES OF THE SHONA ELITE ONLY! PLEASE PASS TO MOST TRUSTED PERSON! PROGRESS REVIEW ON THE 1979 GRAND PLAN

Gift

Never before has history given us the majority Shona people, such a precious present than it has done with Robert Gabriel Mugabe. R.G. is simply a perfect embodiment of all our cultural norms and values, our aspirations and expectations, our wants, desires and interests. In his whole life, R.G. has not failed to demonstrate that incredible consciousness of who we are as a people. The most vivid imagination of what an ideal Shona person should look like in appearance as well as how he should behave or present himself to the public, finds an exact match in R.G. His presence among us as a leader with an abundant and compelling inspiration towards the establishment of Shona Nationhood deserves to be honoured and celebrated as a memorable great occasion in the life-histories of all the generations of our people.

Acknowledgement.

We do not, as a matter of obligation, fail to appreciate and acknowledge the wonderful achievements, the great valour and the spirit of stubborn resistance against formidable adversaries of all those other great Shona men and women who led our people before. However, without prejudicing fair comparison, it is inarguable though that R.G. stands out distinctly as a cut above the rest among both the dead and the living Shona leaders.

Consistency.

Countless incidents in R.G.'s decorated and exuberant political career testify to the conviction most of us have that the man is a visionary of rare gifts. He is an astoundingly brilliant intellectual as well as being an accomplished academic. Having distinguished himself as the most consistent revolutionary in the fight against colonialism he has gone further to achieve the emancipation of the majority Shona people and consolidated their supremacy. And signs are that he has not reached the pinnacle of his political life yet. Few would argue that R.G. is endowed with a mesmerising eloquence in speech which together with his subtle charisma captivates and electrifies audiences whenever he stands to speak.

Little wonder that he outclassed and turned his political peers into pitiable political dwarfs many of whom have fallen victim to consumptive jealousy and betrayal. Several of them rubbished themselves to the political dust bin, and personalities like Edgar Tekere and Edson Zvobgo are not exceptions.

Envy.

R.G. is an unquestionable source of envy to many, not only amongst ourselves but his foes too, who grudgingly admire him as they learn painfully to accept defeat at his hands. Tony Blair is a classic case in point. Blair's clumsy arm twisting political tactics geared to tame this solid and firebrand revolutionary giant, left his fingers thoroughly scalded.

Mr. Blair must be ruefully licking his wounds at No. 10 Downing Street, having learnt his lesson well, that plagiarising Bush's approach to Saddam would attract serious and perilous consequences to him.

Imperialists.

Western leaders are so shamelessly spoilt and conceited to the extent that they throw all caution to the wind when it comes to dealing with Third World political issues. Their naivety often manifests itself whenever there is a lack of agreement on key issues especially those that adversely affect the poor nations such as the land issue in Zimbabwe. They refuse to realise that there is a new breed of leadership who will not ask how high when ordered to jump but will certainly ask WHY.

African leaders in particular are regarded by the West as filthy hypocrites who are radicals by day but beggars by night, as well as lacking personal opinion and relevant political sophistication. The tendency is to destroy those who defy imperialist dictatorship. R.G. has resolutely said no to imperialism and this way he must be treated like Saddam Hussein, according to Western opinion.

Black Jesus.

Some people have a small problem in understanding why Mugabe is to the Shona people, what Jesus is to the Christians or what Kim il Sung and his Juche idea is to the North Koreans.

This status was awarded to R.G. by his people in recognition of political astuteness acquired over many years of experience in the fight against colonialism. It is an uncommon achievement to earn the love and respect of one's enemies. R.G. did just that with the descendants of Mzilikazi/Lobengula - a people with a contemptible history of violence. This did not just happen - it took many years of careful political manoeuvring and scheming. An application of similar tactics to the descendants of Cecil John Rhodes is beginning to yield similar dividends.

Illusions.

For many years both the Ndebeles and Europeans were living under a shameful illusion that the crimes of their forefathers had been forgiven and forgotten. This was not to be as R.G., the illustrious son of the Shona people ensured that the two groups pay dearly for the evil deeds of the ancestors. Is it possible that such heinous crimes as those committed by these people against the Shona can just be swept under the carpet because it is politically expedient to do so?

Legacy.

It costs a daring mind to carve a rich legacy for the good of the general public, especially one that restores the dignity of the people at the same time assuring them of eternal dominance over settlers. R.G.'s legacy brewed in an African pot is unparalleled by any on the continent. Nelson Mandela covertly tried to outshine R.G. by elbowing him off the world political limelight. No sooner had Mandela started this, did he realise the folly of such an attempt. It dawned on him that he was making an error and that he was too new on the regional political plane.

The twenty seven years Mandela spent crushing stones in jail did not automatically confer upon him the sort of leadership skills acquired by R.G. in a protracted and arduous struggle for Zimbabwean independence. In fact, jail stunted the growth of Mandela's legal mind - a sad happening indeed. However, his attempt to compensate for the deprivations of that ugly experience by posturing a false image of "towering African statesman" created by his imperialist jailers, collapsed no sooner than it had started.

Betrayal.

Mandela betrayed and deserted the Black majority in South Africa at the most crucial hour. Speculation is rife that he is severely petrified of whites so much that making land demands, for instance, would, in his view, muddy the waters and blemish his political career. As if his political career is more important than the black people in South Africa.

At the present moment, the African continent needs genuinely high calibre leadership that is self-assertive and principled, a leadership that is selfless, a leadership that will serve the people's interest. Mandela simply chickened out and retreated in haste unremorsefully. Praises continue to be piled on him because he did not touch the foundation of white wealth.

Privileges.

Future Shona generations will forever enjoy the opportunities and privileges that will at all times flow from the heroic deeds of R.G. We feel strongly encouraged to stand resolutely behind him and will not cease to see an angel where our detractors/enslavers see a devil and we will continue to see a liberator where they see a murderer.

Differences.

Such are our differences that must be resolved not in a superficial manner but in practical terms within such a real concrete political context as ours. The redefinition of our relationship with the settlers, black or white, is long overdue! We therefore salute the launch of the third phase of our struggle (THIRD CHIMURENGA) and invite the reader of this article to jon us in celebrating the manner in which this fight is being conducted and its guaranteed success in smashing the white economic infrastructure such as farms which facilitated the exploitation of our people.

Dominance.

All the struggles that took place in this country since the 1830's were about dominance. Lessons from these struggles confirm the view that a human social group is either dominant or subordinate when it comes to issues of political power, especially in Africa.

Mzilikazi.

Mzilikazi fled from Zululand because there was no political space for him to be dominant. He therefore needed to look elsewhere for land where he could exercise power authority and dominance. But because there was no land not belonging to anyone, he targeted militarily weaker societies and found one in the Shona people whom he viciously subdued and forcibly settled in their land, imposing his authority on them.

Now, comrades, come to think of it - a settler is a settler - PERIOD! What peaceful coexistence can there be to talk about between the majority indigenous Shona and the occupying force of those of Ndebele exraction. A black settler is as unwelcome as a white settler in our country. Ndebele crimes Mzilikazi's men, in particular under the command of his terrorist successor Lobengula, wreaked havoc in our country. They raped and kidnapped Shona women, looted grain and stole our cattle. Anyone who disputes that this was conquest needs medical examination. For some sixty long years, the Shona people were brutalised, insulted and abused by the Ndebeles. Their wealth was ravenously plundered and economic life left to bleed to death in the most cruel manner.

The Ndebele subjected the Shona people to the worst forms of barbarism and tyranny. They imported violence to Zimbabwe and it is a well known fact that violence was a virtue in Zululand and perhaps continues to be to this day. No one doubts the assertion that violence flows in Ndebele blood.

Lazy.

Periodic and incessant waves of cruel raids by Ndebele warriors harvested cattle, women and grain from the Shona to enrich the bogus Ndebele King. The inherently lazy and unintelligent Ndebele anarchist savages preferred to loot and plunder than to learn the skills of the more culturally advanced Shona people who excelled in building as epitomised by the Great Zimbabwe as well as in crop farming and the arts such as stone carving and mbira music.

Complexes.

Subjecting the Shona people to a reign of terror created both an inferiority and persecution complex in them. For instance, the Shona people began to shun the use of their clan names in preference for the totem system such as Dube, Sibanda, Nyoni etc. This was a straightforward case of political subjugation of the Shona people.

White Settlers.

The carnage viciously unleashed on our people by the Ndebeles was interrupted by the coming of white settlers who were motivated by the same desire - to dominate. Cecil John Rhodes' men were more advanced in systems of plunder and exploitation than the Ndebeles. The whites dubbed both the Shona and the Ndebeles as African savages of the bush needing to be rescued from the darkness of ignorance.

The white settlers swiftly annexed our country as a colony of Britain. The Shona and Ndebele were, in the view of settlers, identical natives belonging to the same race, totally disregarding the oppressor/oppressed relationship between the Shona and the Ndebele that existed before colonialism. However, this did not alter or erase the crimes committed against our people before by the Ndebeles.

Land.

The whites too were in search of land. Back home (UK) they were little known minnows, mostly sons of serfs who were used to expand the horizons of the British empire by carving colonies in all corners of the world. Some of them were convicts let off on a new lease of life to prove their usefulness to the Crown. Insofar as we are concerned the whites removed us from the clutches of Ndebele colonialism onto the rapacious claws of European Imperialism - a case of jumping from the pan onto the fire.

Our gallant forefathers put up countless spirited fights against the new settlers but were subdued by the militarily superior invading barbaric force which iced its successes/conquest with the hanging of our great spirit medium, Mbuya Nehanda and others.

Crimes of the White Man.

The conquest of our people by the white men was in itself a criminal act. Having conquered our people they immediately went into an unbridled frenzy of raping Shona women producing a mixed breed that has been behaviourally as confused as the act of rape itself since that time. The breed chronically suffers from an incurable and severely traumatic identity crisis. The white invader too started to steal Shona cattle and wildlife - sending trophies to the King, enslaving Shona men on the stolen land (horse pegged farms) and on mines.

The savagery was soothed by a crude dosage of religious opium administered by their forerunner imperialist chief-scout, Robert Moffat - a man of the cloth. The rest of the details of this carnage may be obtained from history texts as well as from the sad oral tales of our people.

Freedom.

An attempt to throw off the colonial yoke in the first half of the twentieth century did not succeed until the entry onto the Zimbabwean political scene in 1963 of a Shona led political party. In this year, Zanu was born and excitedly welcomed by those ethnically conscious Shona people who threw their weight unreservedly behind its leadership. This birth signified the beginning of serious business to wrestle our heritage from the white man. Zanu's motto was "a fight for Shona Majority Rule", making an instant impact politically by going into an armed struggle, a move later mimicked by the Ndebele led Zapu which comprised of mainly semiliterate hero-worshippers of Joshua Nkomo.

Nkomo's lieutenants followed him blindly until he committed political suicide on December 22, 1987. The only few educated people in Zapu were Shonas like Ariston Chambati and Daniel Madzimbamuto whose true ethnic allegiance ceased to be questionable in 1980.

Partnership.

The Majority Shona people had realised that our partnership with deposed Ndebele savages, to oust the white settler regime from dominance was an extremely complicated affair. This was particularly true in this instance because prior to the birth of Zanu the struggle had been led by Joshua Nkomo, a Ndebele assimilant of very vague, dubious and untraceable ethnic/tribal origins.

Nkomo parroted a motto similar to Zanu's, that of Majority Rule but would not commit himself to "Shona Majority Rule", preferring to distort it into "Black Majority Rule". Such a distortion flew into the face of the real aggrieved person because Nkomo arrogantly and deliberately missed the point. Black majority rule could only be Black Shona Majority Rule.

Anyone who stubbornly refuted this rendered themselves an enemy of the Shona people and Nkomo became one. Nevertheless, in the interest of the struggle we in Zanu appreciated the fact that Nkomo had no option but to offer himself for use to achieve Majority Shona Rule. Hence every positive effort he made was on behalf of us the majority Shona. Now and then he needed to be whipped into line because of his conformist tendencies as in the cases of numerous agreements he struck with Ian Smith under the cover of darkness thereby putting the liberation process in severe stress and jeopardy.

Objective.

Zanu sought to regain lost Shona dignity, looted cattle, stolen land and everything else that accrued to the colonialists as a result of their thuggery by the successive Ndebele and European dominant generations. It makes economic sense to charge interest on money borrowed to someone.

Therefore, the development/civilisation which the whites brag about that they brought to Zimbabwe is part of the profit which is due to us and we inherit all that violently or not, without a guilty conscience.

White Wealth.

The riches of the white men in Zimbabwe were and still are accumulated through monopoly, exploitation, theft, plunder, murder, rape, corruption, treachery, hypocrisy and lies. Is it possible to correct or reverse such inhuman acts without resorting to similar tactics?

Truly violence begets violence, and for every action there is a reaction. Scavengers It is a known fact, though, that ever since its conception, Zanu had a double-pronged struggle to wage, that is on the one hand against the Ndebeles and on the other against the whites. When the Ndebeles and whites fought one another in the 1890's and then in the 1970's, they were like vultures fighting over a carcass of dead prey. One vulture cannot claim ownership of the dead animal on the grounds that it landed there first. It remains a vulture by name and a scavenger by habit.

Sithole.

The Ndebele's had no legal claim whatsoever upon Zimbabwean sovereignty just like their earlier cousins (followers of Shoshangane) later led by Ndabaningi Sithole, that hob goblin who tried to hijack the struggle. Sithole was foiled and summarily ejected from the party - an act he regretted till his grave.

The simple question is why would these two black groupings fight for what did not legitimately belong to them. Participating in the struggle only meant that they were offering themselves for use by the Majority Shonas.

Correction.

Zanu's correction of Sithole's errors left the Shangaans a thoroughly confused group despite the modification of their identity to drift closer to Shona under the guise of a language called Ndau, generally accepted among the ignorant as a dialect of Shona. The truth remains - they are foreigners, unwilling to advance our cause as they huddle around and cling childishly to the "Ndonga".

Sustenance of illegal regime For seventeen years of bitter Zanu struggle (2nd Chimurenga) to repossess lost Shona pride and stolen land, the whites put up a very stiff but doomed resistance. They were aided and abetted by their British and American kith and kin who today will never forgive R.G. for taking on our behalf what belongs to us.

During the struggle, Ian Smith received modern war equipment from the G8 such as Gazelle helicopters, UZI's etc., but Zanu received expired medicines through the U.N. There was no doubt in our minds that the point made by such assistance to Smith in violation of UN sanctions was that blood is thicker than water.

Strategy.

Now, in a struggle comrades, you must have strategies and develop your own tactics suitable for the environment in which that struggle is being executed. Chairman Mao Ze Dong wrote quite extensively on strategy and tactics. The material is easily accessible to those willing to read and learn. Designing good strategies is not a simple matter - it requires acutely intelligent minds spiced with an unwavering commitment to success.

Zanu was not found wanting in this regard. Men and women made of the correct political material and with characters made of sterner stuff tempered with resilience, honesty, dignity and awesomely high levels of political acumen, began to distinguish themselves on the ground. We remember Chitepo and Takawira,at this level, with great fondness.

Reigns.

When R.G. took over the reigns of power in Zanu tremors of fears in the hearts of whites were heard throughout the country. R.G. immediately proved to be good quality leadership material through the manner in which he meticulously and incisively executed the revolutionary fight for the restoration of our hallowed independence and Shona democracy. Revolution means a violent overthrow of the status quo. R.G. did precisely that. As we all know the fight is far from being over.

Flag Independence.

As long as the white community remained economically dominant beyond independence day of April 18, 1980, then the battle is certainly not over yet. Flag independence remains meaningless until the transfer of wealth into the hands of its rightful owners. No one understands this position in Zanu better than the amazingly resilient and conscientious strategist R.G.

Impediment.

Because of the Lancaster House Constitutional trappings, R.G. put the issue of white economic dominance in a political freezer which he safely locked with the word "Reconciliation". This earned him boundless praises such as "The most brilliant politician" by his former tormentors who could not believe their ears when the policy of reconciliation was announced. R.G. knew how to leave sleeping dogs lie.

He opted to decisively deal firstly with the Ndebeles once and for all. Zapu and Zipra At independence Zapu posed the most difficult challenge to Zanu over the leadership of the country. The threat was not so much in terms of grassroots support as it was in terms of military firepower which Zapu built over many years with Russian and Cuban support while Zanla sweated it out on the war front fighting Rhodesian forces.

Zipra was strong but inexperienced since they knew no battles of note. Nevertheless, Zipra remained an impediment in our desire to conclusively deal with the issue of Ndebeles and their ugly past and the need to pacify Zapu was never greater than in 1980.

5th Brigade.

R.G. instantly realised that it would be futile to draw open battle -lines with "va-Dumbugura" preferring quietly to do his homework. He brought into the country super military training experts from North Korea. Within eight months, a revered, feared and uncompromising crack force, known as Gukurahundi, had been trained.

This is the force (5th Brigade) which was to strike terror in the hearts of Ndebeles. On one hand, R.G. consistently dangled the juicy carrot of Government of National Unity and the integration of forces into the National Army. Mugabe always knew that Nkomo was desperate for power and so he let him have a little of it. The integration of the three armies would help to scatter Zipra far and wide.

Dissidents.

On the other hand, R.G. created a small rebel force comprising mainly of recruits from Zipra and called them dissidents who were complimented by selected highly trained Zanla forces who would direct operations. The group was put on pay role and then deployed in the Midlands and Matabeleland. Soon the self-styled dissidents were joined by other genuinely aggrieved Zipras who could not stand the heat generated exclusively for them in the National Army.

However, the army deserters and a few notorious Zipras who ha ted R.G. with a passion, never had a clue that the dissident element was not a Zapu initiative. While Zapu denied sponsoring dissidents, leading to a loss of faith and confidence in their leadership by Zipras, the genuine dissident remained confused and uncoordinated, finally resorting to aimless nomadic movement within the region. It is during this wondering that they got ambushed, killed and displayed at Police Camps until they began to decompose.

The Government sponsored dissidents straight away went into an orgy of bandit activity such as destroying development project equipment, raping women, demanding food, killing a few "Ndebele sell-outs" especially those in the Zapu party structures. They cleverly avoided direct contact with the National Army units except a few small skirmishes meant to deflect suspicion.

Pretext.

A perfect pretext had been created. The 5th Brigade was then swiftly deployed in the three provinces to "deal with dissidents" under the command of that agile and indestructible Perence Shiri. The real targets were Ndebele civilians and Zipra men whose fathers had committed crimes against the Shona people.

The strategy worked well, in no time Zapu's political structures were smashed. Liquidation Within five years, 25 000 Ndebeles had been exterminated in ways that instilled fear in the survivors, family life was dislocated as members scattered in different directions. The rate of kill was just unbelievable and in spite of rumblings by the minority Zapu in parliament the exercise carried on undisturbed culminating in the "Head of the Snake" villain fleeing the country to take refuge in a European country where his stay was bankrolled by the same multinationals he had earlier proclaimed to be fighting.

Achievements.

The real achievements of such a strategy was much greater than what the numbers of those slaughtered reflect. There is probably roughly 2 million Ndebeles still alive today and therefore the first achievement of the 5th Brigade was redefining Ndebele and Shona relationships in so far as to who matters in this country.

The Ndebeles now fully know who wields what political clout in this country and this sets the stage for the discussion of other achievements of the 5th Brigade. The achievements include: Heritage. The military offensive in Matabeleland opened new windows of opportunity for the Shonas to reassert themselves in the country as the dominant and numerically superior group in order to repossess our lost glory and heritage, expressed in material, cultural, social and spiritual terms.

Language.

 The Shona language has regained its dominant position in our society. It has become the lingua franca of Zimbabwe in the public sector particularly in government departments such as the army, police, hospitals, schools, immigration, customs, throughout the country.

One can now authoritatively demand service in the Shona language, even conduct telephonic conversation anywhere in Matabeleland without any need to apologise for the use of Shona or without the burden of having to speak Ndebele. National ZTV is completely Shona and does very well to promote and develop our language. This is as it should be since Zimbabwe is a Shona Nation. We should not give room to the languages of the invading groups because our intention is to culturally fracture and dislocate them. Let us be reminded that language dominance automatically creates many opportunities such as employment which occurs according to the language spread.

Shona speakers are now everywhere, in every corner of the country not as vegetable vendors but holders of influential positions. This occurrence is not accidental and the doubting Thomases better get this point straight because it cost careful planning. Ndebele children now realise that ignorance of Shona is a serious handicap and have, therefore, slowly but surely grown to accept the inevitable relegation of their own language to an insignificant and parasitical second class means of communication restricted to their homes or play in the streets.

Ndebele can only play a translational role in Zimbabwe and nothing else beyond this - check the Zimbabwe passport, newspapers etc. As Shonas, we can now freely traverse the length and breadth of the country armed only with our language for communication. The same cannot be said of Ndebele. We must take note that even when a Shona person makes an effort to utter just a single "ngca" or "ka" for "qa" the Ndebele stupidly get amused or fascinated like we used to when a white man attempted to speak Shona for instance, if the white man in church spoke broken Shona, like "imwari yedu" you could not miss the excitement and appreciation on the faces of the black congregation who believed in the superiority of the English language.

The sell-out tea boy, Morgan Tsvangirai, rides on this crest of success of our policy to elevate Shona to undisputed one National official language. We gather that when he roves around denouncing the President in his party's stronghold of Matabeleland he addresses his rallies in Shona. He better be advised that this is filthy opportunism as he exploits R.G.'s deeds at the same time trying to destroy him politically. In any case he is politically a product of Zanu turned prodigal son.

The ZCTU which shot him to prominence was established by Zanu in the interest of the oppressed workers and Tea-boy better put his act together. Ziva kwawakabva! Or else hemlock is ready for you Mr. Chameleon.

Jobs.

Roughly 95% of Government jobs in Matabeleland and almost 100% in the rest of the country are held by Shonas. We cited the relevant departments earlier and added to them are parastatals such as Dairybord (DZ Ltd), Railways, CSC, GMB, where all positions that matter as well as low grade jobs are invariably in Shona hands.

Exceedingly heartening is the fact that the private sector went ahead without waiting for directives to implement the policy successfully. This includes factories, banks, construction companies etc. Training in tertiary institutions too has played a very significant role, as it is critical that in manpower development due attention is paid to giving skills to the Majority indigenous Shona who will be able to take up employment opportunities always. Teachers' Colleges, Polytechs, Universities, all reflect in their enrolment, Shona dominance regardless of where the institution is located in the country. The most educated people are Shonas consequently. With time cities such as Bulawayo will be Shona dominated as predicted accurately by the late hero Herbert Ushewokunze who at some point ill-timed the naming of Mtshabezi dam of Mwanakuridza.

It is a well known fact that the job distribution in the city council of Bulawayo is skewed in favour of Ndebeles. However,it is pleasing that this is the only employer in Matabeleland with a majority of Ndebeles. Efforts must be made to put them in line with the present trend. The resistance to the teaching of Shona in all schools in Matabeleland will soon fizzle out. More and more teaching posts are being taken up by Shona college graduates and appointments of Shona school heads has already been won.

Students/pupils in all schools in that part of the country will, in the not too distant future be mostly Shona. We must not forget what Nathan Shamuyarira once observed in the 1979 Grand Plan "the only way to weaken the Ndebele is to deprive him of an education." Shona is taught in all teachers' colleges countrywide but Ndebele is confined to Matabeleland colleges and pressure must continue to be applied to limit the teaching of Ndebele to those few who happen to be enrolled.

Some churches too are beginning to realise the trend of the times. They have introduced strictly Shona services -a very pertinent move towards achieving our goal. All churches nation-wide must conduct services in Shona to achieve that national cohesion and singular Zimbabwe national identity. However, there are some Bishops of a known church organisation pretending to be self-anointed champions of a Ndebele lost cause. Their days are certainly numbered as the 4th Chimurenga will leave no stone unturned, even religious stones will roll.

Culture.

In fact, there is no such portion of this country called Matabeleland. This was colonial mischief at its worst, in order to apply the divide and rule barbaric policy. How could invaders have a place named after their tribe as if they were legitimate inhabitants? Our culture, robust and durable as ever, is spreading swiftly throughout the country and the agents are known to us all. Shona cultural trends are emerging in areas of "rowora" traditionally bastardised as "lobola" where astronomical bride prices are now being sought by every Zimbabwean parent.

Burial rites like mock drama in imitation of the deceased's fond habits are now done even where no Shona person is present. Once a trend is self-perpetuating, it ceases to need monitoring as it gets weaned off from its architect. The drum and dance at funeral wakes and our trust and faith in black magic have all permeated the social value structures of our former masters.

National public addresses at official functions are done in Shona. Being a Shona is now a source of pride particularly in Shona assimilates who in place of that cultural void, have received a reward to fill in the gap as a result of seeking redemption from Shonas. Marriage partner preferences bear further testimony to the superiority of Shonas. Ndebele girls will without exception opt to marry a Shona man given a choice between men from the two groups. This is not without reason.

Ndebele men are often savage and brutal prospective husbands. They are ungiving, unprotective and stingy. Since time immemorial, Shona men have enjoyed the luxury of making Ndebele girls pregnant and then deserting them. There are several benefits from this. The young ladies lose out on education, hence on reliable sources of income, eventually resorting to prostitution. In fact, our Shona drama script writers have captured this when invariably all loose female characters playing the role of prostitute or infidelity are given Ndebele names such as MaNcube, MaKhumalo.

Secondly, we have managed to dilute the Ndebeles since children fathered and left by our brothers (illegimates) are Ndebele by name but Shonas by blood. This is a legitimate form of struggle. The end justifies the means. The true Ndebele population is shrinking and we can all be catalysts in this.

Business Opportunities.

The emergence of Shona indigenous black business entrepreneurs is another great achievement towards our goal. Most black owned retail shops in Bulawayo belong to Shona people, the Chigumiras, Munyoros etc. Most black owned firms in manufacturing, communication, engineering, clothing, transport, belong to Shonas, in the so called Matabeleland.

Names such as Phillip Chiyangwa, that whiz-kid who turns anything he touches into gold, are now household names especially amongst fighters for black empowerment. Chiyangwa and others are leading the crusade to funnel every industrial and commercial asset in Bulawayo and elsewhere into Shona hands. Consumable products such as milk, beef, soups carry Shona labels. The purpose here is to force the die-hard Ndebele families to start using Shona words in their home. Language describes one's surroundings and it is becoming abundantly clear to the Ndebele that this situation is inescapable and R.G. must take credit for it all.

Combined Effort.

The military, cultural, economic and political assaults complimented one another very well to bring about the sterling achievements cited above. The success of the business enterprises mentioned elsewhere was well calculated. The appointment of a Shona to head the Central Bank (Reserve Bank) ensured that no one else gets a banking licence except Shonas, paving the way for the establishment of indigenous banks with branches all over the country by Shonas only. We now have a Shona dominated banking sector which used to be a preserve of foreigners and there is no doubt that this development is pivotal to the indigenisation process.

Despite serving everyone, regardless of race, colour,creed, tribe, these banks have fulfilled their role in our struggle for Shona dominance and therefore would like to congratulate Julius Makoni of National Merchant Bank (NMB), Leonard Nyemba of Trust Bank (Trustfin), Gideon Gono of the Commercial Bank of Zimbabwe (CBZ), Francis Nhema of Zimbabwe Building Society (ZBS), Thata Mutunhu of Agribank, Nigel Chanakira of Kingdom Bank - the list is endless.

Recently one of these banks helped to establish a Shona person in the heart of Matabeleland North farming area of Nyamandlovu, on the acquifer - the most valuable land in this area. The Shona man from Gweru was facilitated with a $60 million loan to takeover a highy priced productive dairy enterprise from a Swindells, who could only take from the Kershelmar Dairies, his personal belongings before he left for Australia.

The Tagariras, also Shonas from Bulawayo, have taken over large properties in the same area, thanks to these banks and A2 resettlement. More and more large properties (farms) in Matabeleland, especially Nyamandlovu,have fallen into Shona hands under the A2 Fast Track Resettlement. Shona workers are employed on these farms. One must be a fool to fail to realise such political astuteness on the part of our leader.

Most of those who are ungrateful to Zanu for these achievements are ignorant of the fact that the 1979 Grand Plan intended to facilitate funding for budding Shona business enterprises in farming, the hotel industry, the purchase of large industrial complexes being sold by migrating former Rhodesians such as G & D in Bulawayo.

We must appreciate that wherever these banks occur in the country, 100% of the staff is Shona. R.G. sourced funds from the IMF and World Bank and then channelled them into loan disbursement programmes through these banks. No foreign owned commercial bank could be trusted with such funds lest they fail to apply the relevant discrimination against the Ndebeles. Indigenous banks funnelled the funds into Shona hands. And therefore our obligation is to ensure that the noises made by IMF and company about non-payment does not hurt us politically because the money was put to good use. Those young Shonas tempted to shun the party should seek more information on the 1979 Grand Plan of Zanu.

Land.

This brings us to the very sensitive issue of land which has been a bone of contention since the Ndebele occupation of Zimbabwe. Because the majority of people in Bulawayo are Shonas, the rural areas must now be the target. This can only be done through the resettlement programme. The deployment of Shonas in Rural Matabeleland will be the last blow to break the spine of the enemy.

Because of this vision on our part, political power cannot be allowed to slip into the hands of tyrants. In the words of the now maverick and controversial Zvobgo being advice to Zapu "There is no less painful way for you than to join Zanu". Nkomo capitulated in 1987 and we all know that the Unity Accord was a farce or smokescreen face server for Zanu's one time greatest foe and headache turned tool.

Shona supremacy is not a dream but a reality. Should you stand idle and fail to throw your weight behind the leadership? Ask yourself whether you could be where you are were it not for Mugabe and Zanu - educationally, politically, economically, etc. Land that is still in white hands must all find its way into Shona hands. The courts can shout until the cows come home. Many of us were sent to the gallows for demanding our independence.

The question of compensation is a non-starter, white farmers must go to Australia via the UK to collect their compensation. Zanu is simply returning to the rightful owners what is rightfully theirs. Food shortages will soon be a thing of the past - we must persevere. Those whites who bought farms are as guilty as their fathers who horse-pegged Zimbabwean land, parcelling it out to world war fighters, because they received stolen property. The ongoing agrarian revolution must be won or else our independence shall remain hollow.

The party will continue to use Nkomo's fighters to further the cause but we must know when and how to dump them so that their presence within our ranks does not unmake our victories in the area of marginalising them. Fortunately, most of them are not intellectually gifted enough to suspect that we are still guided by the 1979 Grand Plan. Zanu will not change - Zipra should change to accept that they are foreigners and therefore not entitled to enjoy the benefits of being Zimbabweans. So far they have done well in striking terror in the hearts of their MDC colleagues.

The struggle is a process - from Mgagau/Morogoro to the establishment of Shona Nationhood, onward ever! BACKWARD NEVER! The deeds of the Great Man must be told while they leave. We need to refocus in view of the presence of the enemy within our ranks.

FROM THE CORE